The Albania model, which provides for the transfer of migrants to hotspots with the Italian flag but outside the Italian borders, seems to convince Ursula von der Leyen, who is preparing for a security crackdown, with a substantial modification of the repatriation directive. In the letter that the President of the Commission, late Monday evening, sent to EU leaders there is a sort of vademecum of the next steps of Brussels on migration. And above all, there is the endorsement of the Italian-Albanian initiative.

"We have set a good example", the protocol signed with Tirana opens "a new path, but one that perfectly reflects the European spirit", Meloni explained in her communications to Parliament. And to the Democratic Party that contested it, she responded by recalling that "almost all member countries agree with these policies, you are the ones who are isolated". Almost simultaneously, the Commission explained that with the current community rules the Albanian model is not legally viable , but the EU executive "is examining how to regulate repatriations to third countries". It will not be an easy exam. And von der Leyen's endorsement, although written down in black and white, is for now more theoretical than practical. In fact, the Commission first wants to carefully evaluate the operability of the protocol with Tirana which, as explained by Prime Minister Edi Rama himself ("I declined other requests"), has its own Italian specificity. There is also another side of the coin in this race for Fortress Europe. And it is the face of an EU still divided, caught between the push of the hawks on migration, the doubts of Berlin and Paris, and the resistance of Spain.

The debate risks turning into an open clash. The conclusions risk being reduced to a few lines just to avoid them falling apart completely. The very reference to the implementation of the Pact on Migration and Asylum does not find everyone in agreement. And to complicate matters is the fact that Viktor Orban will be chairing the meeting. "The discussion on migration will be the most delicate," European sources admitted in view of a summit that will have other very hot topics on the table, from Ukraine - with the presence of Volodymyr Zelensky - to the war between Israel and Hezbollah. But on migration the political data is decisive, with the advance of the right in almost all European countries, which is hardening all positions in the field. It is no coincidence that among the 27, the only voice openly against the Albanian model is that of Pedro Sanchez. "We are against deportation centers for migrants to countries outside the EU," the Spanish Prime Minister declared, claiming the success of Madrid's migration policy. Sanchez's words coincide perfectly with the position of the socialists, increasingly concerned by the idea that migration is one of the dossiers on which the EPP can form an axis with the sovereignist groups. But even within the European Council the Populars are numerically in clear advantage and the shore of right-wing governments, like the Italian one, appears increasingly solid.

Indeed, Meloni will go on the offensive on Thursday. Along with Denmark and the Netherlands, Italy has called a meeting on the sidelines of the EU summit with the so-called like-minded countries, that is, with the chancelleries with which a common front on migration can be created. At the meeting there will be a socialist, Mette Frederiksen, and a technical prime minister, Dick Schoof, who however is supported by the sovereignists led by Geert Wilders. The meeting is being defined, as are its participants. Poland's participation is certain, Austria and Greece's are likely. Germany has been invited but is unlikely to be there. In Paris, at the moment, there are no invitations. And without the Franco-German OK, any hypothesis of hotspots in third countries cannot have an easy life.

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