“I am no longer with you”, but “if you leave me it is not valid” (cit.). This seems to be the confused synthetic paradigm of the parable of the Government of the Best, as contradictory in its ontological essence as it is uncertain in its becoming. But after the events of the past week, after the "tear" perpetrated by Giuseppe Conte and his 5 Star Movement, can we say that the relationship of trust that should exist between the Government and Parliament has failed, with the consequent obligation of the former to resign? Let's be clear: it is not that important to untie the formal knot when it is enough to know, as in our case, that government crises pertain "strictu sensu" to the pathology of the parliamentary system but, very often, those same crises have even revealed themselves as a very precious indicator of the transformations taking place, of the passage from a "before" to an "after" in the context of which the "middle ground" hides within itself the keystone useful for interpreting them.

If this should be the case, that is, if it were not so important to untie the formal knot, then Sergio Mattarella's last-minute attempt to try to "parliamentarize" the crisis by leveraging the "desperation" of the office of those of the 2% headed by Matteo Renzi and Giggino Di Maio may well not have the desired effects as the parliamentary discussion has rarely ended with an explicit vote. But even if it were and if, therefore, the Government finds itself, even though resigning, to remain in office until the formation of the new executive solely for the fulfillment of the acts of ordinary administration precisely in the same way as the Government just formed awaiting trust from the part. of the Chambers, what would be the problem? Evidently none for the simple fact that any "problem" would continue to survive in the concerns of those who have more than one difficulty in abandoning their "chair".

Yet, but it would be more correct to say "in fact", even if we do not understand why, the "ballot boxes" continue to loom as the black specter looming over the fate of the parliamentarians on duty, always very unwilling to submit to popular judgment for not being in able to guide their behavior. If the great refusal of the 5 Star Movement to support a motion of confidence in the Draghi Government should have plunged the country into a condition of political uncertainty (all yet to be considered in reality), then, likewise, the decision of Sergio Mattarella to reject to the sender the resignation of the President of the Council of Ministers could lead to the same conclusion of uncertainty, even further than that claimed as "original". But then: in the given situation, is the egg better today or is it better the hen tomorrow? Would early elections be more appropriate to be held no earlier than the end of September, or would it be better to insist on a transitional government led by Draghi?

If we really wanted to untie this knot, apparently really too tight, then we should look at the whole story from a different angle, asking ourselves different questions because, by now we know, the efficiency of the answer is directly linked to the punctuality of the question. What, then, is the value of the "vote" in Italy? Has it been able to be decisive and clarifying over the years since the fall of the Berlusconi government to date? The answer is bitter, and only serves to underline its formal and substantial insignificance.

First of all, because, regardless of the coalition that manages to establish itself as victorious, in the end the result is always the same: both the victorious and the defeated parties, all together passionately, always seem to find a way to "reset" the result, giving us a sad awakening in the aftermath of the stripping. So why, even recently, despite winning the center-right coalition, the lead party (the League to be clear) went to govern with the lead party of the center-left coalition (the 5 Star Movement) effectively nullifying the effects of popular will. Then because, as was highly predictable, the yellow-green combination broke out, and instead of seeing the word returned to the Italians, we had to put up with the "birth in the test tube" of a yellow-red government of super losers (in the circumstances). left. Also because, despite the ideological similarity between the two component parties (Democratic Party and 5 Star Movement), it was also possible to send that to hell thanks to the straight-legged intervention of Matteo Renzi, anxious to put a stop to the undisputed protagonism by Giuseppe Conte who, at the time, was gaining credence as a "homus novus" of the center-left. Finally, because due to the various maneuvers of the palace, we find ourselves today with a Mario Draghi "rainbow soup" which, on closer consideration, confused us to the point of having made us forget in favor of who we had cast our vote in March of the year 2018.

How, then, should we hope to get out of this impasse? Very trivially, I would be led to argue that if international finance is in a state of fibrillation due to the "expulsion" of Mario Draghi, then, perhaps, we must insist on that path if the "dissent" still has, as I believe, its beautiful value content. With all due respect to Sergio Mattarella, Joe Biden, and all those European Chancelleries who so far have wanted to rely on the obedience to the line planned by our Prime Minister. If words retain their weight, on Wednesday Mario Draghi should be consistent and confirm his initial understanding: “I am not willing to lead a government with another parliamentary majority”. This latter circumstance contains in itself certain unavoidable consequences. The one for which it would certainly not be the attitude of the 5 Star Movement to have caused the crisis since, otherwise, the same effect would have had to be caused by Matteo Salvini's barricade on Jus Scholae and DDL Zan. The other for which, as argued by the well-known sociologist De Masi, the motivated opposition of the penta-starred could have constituted the optimal pretext to allow Mario Draghi to escape from the multiple responsibilities of autumn, to put it briefly. Despite the emergency facing the country, there do not seem to be any outlets for the current crisis.

Having placed the various circumstances of time and place on the scales, in the end, whether Mario Draghi is allowed to complete his path until 2023, or whether he opts for the early vote in September, the result would not be suitable for positively change the country's trend. Thinking badly is a sin, but we get it right: what if this crisis had been agreed to justify, in the eyes of Italians and beyond, the failure of the policies implemented so far? On balance, the conditions do not seem to exist, yet it is forced to continue despite the fact that, on paper, that notorious relationship of trust which was referred to at the beginning of the reflection has not failed. Vote immediately then: it will be what God wills.

Giuseppina Di Salvatore

(Lawyer - Nuoro)

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