“No doctrine or movement can be both right and left at the same time” and, likewise, “a doctrine or movement can only be either right or left”. Years ago, Norberto Bobbio thought he could reach these monolithic conclusions. Certainly he could not even remotely imagine what could have been the wearing force of a process of pre-set obsolescence of political parties which, in the tormented unfolding of contingent reality, seems to have reached its peak on the occasion of the voting operations directed at the choice of President of the Republic. Precisely those heterogeneous and promiscuous formations, by the very fact of being such, have lost the ability to draw precise lines of demarcation, and of serious opposition, not only between the social models that should be of respective reference, but also between the respective ontological assumptions of operation.
If this were not the case, it would not have been possible to witness the birth of the Yellow-Green Government first, then the Yellow-Red one, and lastly of the "rainbow" one of alleged national unity. And if it is true that a party can exist only as long as the "opposition" survives, on the material level, which it should have known how to impose but did not impose, then it is evident that, in the given situation, the evanescence of that apparent "opposition "Has become, over time, the cause and effect of the disintegration of the various political groups, left" orphans "not only of involving leadership, but even of structure and consequent programmatic projects while preserving (inexplicably we would be led to say) the innumerable" class privileges "in" nonchalance "(so it would seem to be) due to the generalized unease of the social context.
If we asked ourselves what the "place of power and powers" could be today, we could not offer any other answer than that for which that "place", liquid and imperceptible compared to the common feeling, would seem to find immediate physical and ideological correspondence in the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, and only in that, that is, in an "organism" light years away from the real country and from the multiple instances of which that country still manages, in spite of itself, to be the bearer despite everything. Yet in about a year or so that redeemed real country, hungry and tired, devoid of concrete and efficient party representation, will again be called to the polls to cast a vote which, with good verisimilitude, abstention permitting, will be destined to fall on deaf ears, overwhelmed by the racket. electoral mechanisms that seem to ensure and / or do not ensure everything, except for governmental stability. And let us not delude ourselves: the Draghi Government was certainly not born to offer an answer to the pandemic crisis widely understood, but it was born and imposed itself only and exclusively because of the failure of the pseudo party coalitions, already at the time brought into existence not for actual commonality of purpose, but only to try to square the circle with the outcome of the various electoral competitions carried out on the mechanisms of a law built and designed not only to not "leave" anyone out of government processes, but also and above all as a counter- inevitable game to encourage party "promiscuity".
In other words: if the assumption (the electoral law) is doubtful, then the effect (the alliances of the different teams that are part of opposing coalitions) can only be "liquid", with every consequence in terms of the clarity of government programs, carried out, but only on paper, with shots of "hashtags" most of the times ineffective, packaged solely to try to reach the masses and increase a consensus as ideal as it is nonexistent: the descending parable of the secretary of the League, among others, is a tangible example. Let's be clear: not that the other leaders, or presumed such, are better off. From Enrico Letta to Giuseppe Conte, passing through “Gigino” Di Maio, the situation is certainly no better. And if Giorgia Meloni as well as Silvio Berlusconi seem to have seen their "appeal" increase, they are still far from having reached the goal of full affirmation in the immediate social context.
We could only observe, without fear of denial, that that apparent consensus represents the so-called "reaction foul" resulting from the spectacle of the last "presidential elections": nothing more, nothing less. By now the credibility of all party formations, lost among the alchemy of inconclusive negotiations, among the tripped by their own internal currents, seems to be in full and total explosion, nor does it seem destined to improve in just 12 months. Useless, and even grotesque, in fact, appears the initiative of the leader of the League to give life to a large US-style republican party which, indeed, admitted and not granted that it can find entry into the Italian democratic system, betrays, in its same configuration, the original vice, that is the promiscuity of the "formations" called to compose it.
No better, however abstractly conceivable, is the reconstruction of a democratic "center" advocated by the eternal Silvio Berlusconi, certainly far-sighted and visionary enough to carry out his plan, but destined, perhaps more than anyone else, to clash with those, due to their "inertia", they are led to feel in an "oppressive" way the scenic clutter of a man with multiple resources and undeniable charismatic abilities who has also managed to unravel, with his own determinism, the complex skein of the presidential elections that have led to the re-affirmation of Sergio Mattarella to the honors of the "Colle". Not to mention the leader of the Brothers of Italy, certainly coherent and politically prepared who, for her part, however, seems not to have understood, "blinded" by the desire to dominate her friend-rival Matteo Salvini, who on the day of today “no one can dance alone”.
In short: if the fog is dense in the Po Valley, the “governmental climatic conditions” do not appear to be better in the rest of the country, and especially in “Rome”, where Mario Draghi's impatience with the quirinal results seems to be strongly felt. Despite the fearful attitude of the various parties, or of what remains of them, I remain convinced that the process of democratic reconstitution can and should only go through the filing of the Draghian experience. Perhaps, the solution to this stalemate condition must pass through the total renewal of the executive class, since the current members of Parliament seem unable to reconstitute not only traditional alliances, but also to configure a balanced dialectical relationship with their direct competitors. . What contributes, to the state, to make the outcome, if any, of the forthcoming policies particularly uncertain because if there is a lack of certain alignments in their composition and intentions, no electoral competition can mature and offer us its fruits. Within a year, we will be back to the top again: however, anyone who manages to interpret the growing social opposition will be able to prevail by becoming a serious and balanced bearer of the cry for help from an exhausted population. Center-Right and Center-Left no longer exist, and perhaps they never existed completely due to having preserved a mixture of imperceptible but existing "ties", precisely in that shared area of "center" that was at the same time efficient cause and demolishing effect of the two formations. Ideologies are a distant memory. I could be wrong, but the next Parliament, with good verisimilitude, especially in its reduced formation, will exist only where populated by Men who, despite the diversity of their democratic culture, will be able to eliminate conflicts in order to proceed in harmony on an exquisitely "administrative" level. No more coalitions, no more parties, but only men expressions of different democratic ideologies. This is the future of Italian politics.
Giuseppina Di Salvatore
(Lawyer - Nuoro)