Meanwhile, at the national level, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict seems to continue to be, week after week, through the mechanism of the "bombardment of daily information", the argument of "mass distraction" and almost the "pretext" useful to the executive of (dis) national unity to postpone the resolution of the various critical issues that daily haunt Italians, tragically destined to reckon (the luckiest ones, of course, who can still count on the so-called "twenty-seven" monthly) with the collapse of purchasing power of the currency and with the contextual increase in the cost of living, in our small regional context the situation would seem not to deviate from the national trend if not for the further deteriorating effects deriving from the geographical-environmental "conditioning", characterized by stagnant immobility, by the related limitations territorial which, with the passing of the years, far from being "contained" and perhaps "resolved" by, and attr towards, political initiatives inspired by "rationality" and "concreteness", have gradually become unbridgeable (at least it would seem), from the non-existence of employment and entrepreneurial initiatives of social importance, from the chronic lack of essential services.

Certainly, and the consideration is offered in all its spontaneous evidence, the efficiency of the government of the territory, guaranteed (or not) by the different ruling classes when on the right or on the left, does not appear to be uniformly declined in the context of the entire territory. rather, it seems to have made (and probably in spite of itself) “disparity” a constant condition of (under) development. And equally certainly, the improvement (through the emergence and enhancement of skills) of the various Institutions (also and above all of regional importance) could today, and even more likely yesterday, could contribute to amplifying the impact of " cohesion ”at the national and European level.

But if it should have been so, and today it should be, why is it that, within our regional perimeter, the conditions for promoting the adoption of structural reforms aimed at improving and strengthening competition, or aimed at incentivising competition, do not seem to have been created. business environment, education, skills, social protection systems and / or to implement the labor market?

The question seems far from obvious if we consider that for several months, in the Regional Council, we have been discussing "council verification" and "legislative pact": more simply, in jargon, " reshuffle ", that is a change within the government structure in order, so to speak, to relaunch its image before public opinion due to the upcoming elections for renewal. A bit like admitting, quietly but not too much, one's own “failure”.

But, up to now, what has been the budget of government action in the area ? Has the statutory specialty been exercised correctly? Has the autonomist principle actually inspired valid and efficient initiatives to rationalize the territory to allow for economic and social cohesion? The answer, as always, appears in all its consequent evidence.

First of all, because, despite the special autonomy (the unknown one) which the Island seems to have enjoyed only and exclusively on paper, and despite the huge transfers of public resources it has always received, the conditions have never been set to start that process of gradual but constant internal growth that should have been expected.

So why, likewise, and I would say upstream, there has been a lack of implementation of a transformation in the context of the institutional organization, which has always been hoped for, capable of supporting homogeneous development in all the different territorial articulations.

Furthermore, because, in favoring a "donut" articulation of the territory, through the recognition and strengthening of two top metropolitan poles, as always, our ruling class seems to have failed to bear the burden, on it alone, of proceeding with the contextual enhancement of all those internal areas and "minor" but "characterizing" forms of production which not only continue to impose themselves in terms of prevalence, but which constitute, and have always constituted, the distinctive trait of our historical and ideological identity.

Finally, but there is much more to say, because on closer consideration, and despite the sterile verbal claims useful only in the electoral campaign, and probably by now, not much more, in reality the governmental apparatus of the regional territory would seem, with the passing of over the years, having in fact renounced to assert its own institutional autonomy of which to date, in fact, there seems to be no trace. At least this is the impression that imposes itself on the attention of the community: the claim of our specialty seems to clash with the indispensable need at this point to be able and willing to still rely on the centralist-statist management of the territory and regional institutions.

Basically, and saying it otherwise, we are victims of a paradox that we ourselves, it would seem, basically wanted due to the chronic lack of managerial minds with an optimal level of resourcefulness: "Only those who don't dare fly do not fly" and Sardinia , rectius, its ruling class, seems to have taken good care not to undertake the experience of flying by remaining in fact anchored to the crumbling branch of the " stepfather state " on which, periodically, the responsibility for its inefficiency falls. The same "battle" for the introduction of the principle of insularity in the Constitution, after all, seems to be the "proven proof" of this condition; almost, allow me, an absolutely unnecessary linguistic tautology, that is a sterile proposition which, wanting to define some concept (the indisputable fact of being an Island), does nothing but repeat on the predicate what has already been said on the subject (insularity is to be Island).

Over the years, and the last two years of the pandemic has contributed to bringing to light the critical issues that are too often hidden, the essential condition for the good governance of the territory seems to have been lacking, as in fact, namely the creation of that coherent legislative balance. between the different political articulations of the territory: region, territorial communities, civil society. Let us be clear however: reshuffle or not reshuffle, the operation, conducted in terms of mere replacement without a program, under the banner of "changing everything so as not to change anything", is useless if not to calm the moods within the majority. It is necessary to reflect on a different organization of powers within regional institutions that is an effective expression of special autonomy as such does not appear to be, with all due respect to its creators, and given its inadequacy, the new system of local authorities which, far from favoring the implementation and enhancement of the small and different territorial realities of the hinterland, tends rather, and in reverse, to their gradual elimination in the name of a disharmonious centralism that is reviled but basically constantly replicated. What happened to every good purpose of reformism devoted to decision-making decentralization for the strengthening of local communities which, due to their specific characteristics, may well be candidates to be active and participatory protagonists of regional decision-making mechanisms? There are many reflections to be made and they cannot ignore the preliminary change of a ruling class which, mutatis mutandis, always presents itself identical to itself and, for this reason, unable, due to a defect of origin, to carry out the necessary change.

Giuseppina Di Salvatore

(lawyer - Nuoro)

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