Who of propaganda a not too distant yesterday would seem to have wanted to strike from the warm and reassuring benches of the de-responsible opposition, of propaganda could then be destined to perish on the benches of the executive.

And the conditional is a must considering that deep down no one wishes it for the best common interest. In short: whoever voted for Giorgia Meloni on that famous 25 September of the year 2022 would certainly seem to have done so, or almost, having in mind a totally different idea of government action than that actually exercised by the newly appointed Prime Minister at the act of his inauguration. And despite the narrative, still, is somehow forged through the accents of a "populism", but it would be more correct to say "conservatism", deliberately dormant and is, albeit timidly, still articulated with the interlayer of sporadic slogans only whispered against certain recipients of basic income and against migrants and against (but not too much) Europe, however a certain important continuity with the government that belonged to Mario Draghi and with his direct interlocutors at the European institutions appears undeniable.

Whether it will be a success or a dramatic debacle, time will tell, but the signs of popular discontent are already present and are starting to destabilize the leader in pectore of the Brothers of Italy and her relationship, probably already unstable due to the imbalance in relations internal strengths, with coalition and government allies. In short, the newly born executive of Giorgia Meloni risks being overwhelmed by the dissatisfaction and discontent of those who, with their express consent, installed her in Palazzo Chigi on the idea of a renewal of which to date trace seems to be found. Circumstance, the latter, which represents a problem when one considers that the direct political opponent of Giorgia Meloni herself is today Giuseppe Conte, a professor and lawyer beloved by the crowds, and despite everything, that is, despite the judgment of his political competitors, very well prepared on the legal-institutional level.

The price increases, the drop in the purchasing power of the currency, the mechanisms of inflation, which has reached the stars, and the question of "excise duties" on fuel which, inevitably, is reflected in the basket of consumer prices leading to soaring costs of basic necessities.

Queen Europe also seems to dominate the nationalism of the Brothers of Italy which, for its part, probably could only remain inextricably conditioned by it, because only what the European Union commands would seem to be able and should be done. It would be utopian to think or even just hope the opposite, just as it would be utopian to believe that the political color of the current Italian government can be experienced with a nonchalant attitude by the very attentive European institutions despite the attitude strongly marked by centrality and moderation adopted by our President of the Council of Ministers. To put it briefly: if Giorgia Meloni wanted to assume an important role in Europe and influence European policies on a par with France and Germany, she should start reflecting on an almost self-evident circumstance in its evidence: the European Union has never functioned as of a parliamentary democracy technically understood, i.e. composed of majorities and minorities, but only and solely as a path to variable alliances both of a political and national nature, inspired by the difficulties present from time to time. So even the "friends" are destined to change when necessary, inescapably influencing the same supra-national political position of the various reference parties.

A coherent and pacifying idea of Europe is still lacking today, and such a circumstance could not fail to be reflected in a government experience, such as the conservative, but not too much, one of Giorgia Meloni who finds herself, it would seem, having to deal with the own reflection of identity and even existential. What is, in fact, the role and positioning of the Meloni government in Europe? Is it what was already Mario Draghi's? Or is it a Government still in search of a European identity that is necessarily different from the one it was in the recent past? The question is far from obvious since the future of Italy and of the Italian people will depend on its useful definition, and therefore, to be concrete, the future of the national interest. It is a question of responding to what have always been the dynamics of European integration: the same rights and the same duties for all member countries, the same common policies, the same procedures. This is, also for Giorgia Meloni, the "price" to be paid for the basic principle of multilateralism. Even if it is true that with the intervention of the crisis the "integration" - "disintegration" relationship would seem to have cracked to a consistent extent, resulting in a significant drop in popular consent towards the European institutions, and even if it is true that with the growth of internal differentiations have implemented the re-nationalization tendencies on the political level, however these power blocs have never managed to oppose decisively the supranational "management" of power and its articulated dynamics. And this very factor could have an enormous impact on the results of the forthcoming administrations, which, considering everything, are anything but obvious in their outcome precisely in consideration of the argumentative "misunderstanding" somehow brought forward, and in spite of them, by the three right-wing government, that of the Brothers of Italy, that of Matteo Salvini's League, and that of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia which, in turn, and despite the apparent uniformity of views, carry on narratives variously articulated in tones if not precisely in intent, generating a certain disorientation within their own multifaceted electorate.

This "misunderstanding" seriously risks playing in favor of both Giuseppe Conte and Carlo Calenda and precisely in Lombardy it risks seriously affecting, and in a negative way, the reconfirmation of Fontana at the helm of the motor region of Italy.

It is not a question of playing the "Cassandras" of the situation, but only of acknowledging the risks and dangers looming over a government majority that is probably uncomfortable with not being able to fully follow up on its political inspiration and finding itself trapped between the tight links of a government action imposed from above and from which it cannot deviate in any way.

Josephine Di Salvatore

(Lawyer – Nuoro)

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