The theme of reforms in recent months seems to have catalysed the attention of the Meloni government especially in view of the upcoming electoral appointments especially in the two "critical" regions of Lombardy and Lazio, where a possible right-centre debacle could have a strongly negative impact on the current structure of the executive and on relations within the coalition.

In particular, the one that appears, in common perception, as the mother of all Reforms, would seem to pose the greatest perplexity, namely the one on the so-called "differentiated autonomy" so to speak.

We can understand the probably inopportune attempt of the Northern League secretary to capitalize on the consensus in view of the fundamental electoral appointment, given and considering that Attilio Fontana is its leading candidate, and given and considering that, despite the "apparent" security shown in regarding its reconfirmation, the latter does not appear, accounts in hand, and due to the consensus claimed by its competitors, so obvious.

We can also understand the wait-and-see attitude of our Prime Minister on this point, since the possible approval of that Reform which is so "critical" in terms of its potential "discriminatory" effects might not have the same positive impact on the ballot boxes of the Lazio Region. Reason would seem to appear in all its dazzling clarity. And it is understood even better when one pauses to consider the political value, rather than the juridical-administrative one, of a reform which, if approved, would end up acting as a "watershed" in the sociological context of an already profoundly heterogeneous country in terms of the distribution of resources and the enjoyment of essential services. Without considering then that, probably, the majority of the population has unclear effects, on daily life, of a legislative intervention so invasive and probably not at all useful not only in the contingent moment, but also in the near future. Without also wanting to consider that the impetus for reform recently solicited by Minister Calderoli would seem to want to affect, probably unconsciously, precisely the system of approving laws, since it would seem to want to centralize (the conditional is a must) the fulcrum of the legislative power in the hands of the executive power, preluding, with good likelihood, day after day, piece after piece, a more profound constitutional restyling operation, subordinating it and finalizing it to the gradual and systematic addition of elements useful for carrying forward in an alternative and indirect way, through the gradual deprivation of Parliament and parliamentary debate (as characterizing elements of our republican experience), a sort of latent "presidentialism" alive "in potential" and ready to become "deed" at the first useful opportunity.

When we say that the method would like to prelude the substance, we probably mean situations like this. No one can deny that the political project on differentiated regional autonomy is of the greatest historical importance, and probably, in terms of a perhaps "selfish" attitude of those who would derive unquestionable advantages from it, it could probably even appear legitimate. In fact, however, the massive decentralization of skills would end up "split" Italy in two, irreparably defining its development and growth standards in a negative sense. If Regions such as Veneto, Lombardy and Emilia Romagna, because even Stefano Bonaccini has expressed his favor in this sense, barring errors, would clearly benefit from a Reform of this consistency, other Regions, such as Sardinia for example, may not enjoy the same reflections considering the disparity on a social and economic level, as well as a geographical one that still persists. Nor could those same promoting Regions claim a detailed implementation of article 116 of the Constitution, i.e. referring exclusively to their own territory, ignoring the principles of a necessary revision in an all-encompassing sense of the subsequent article 117 of the Constitution itself, since, in due to the nature of the Source of the law, one could not even remotely hypothesize a sectoral and territorial application "uti singuli".

Probably, the Democratic Party in its multifaceted entirety, currently engaged in an absorbing congressional phase, shows itself, deliberately or perhaps not, rather distracted (this is the impression that it portrays), with respect to such a pressing issue. But, above all, a decisive intervention on the subject focused on the most critical aspects would be desirable on the part of its aspiring candidates for the secretariat.

The danger would seem to be represented by the hypothesis, should the Calderoli proposal find its landing point, of awakening us to contemplate a fragmented, unclear and profoundly heterogeneous national structure in terms of the distribution of competences in public policy matters, achieved regardless of any necessary revision procedure contemplated by our Constitutional Charter. And then, what would be the fate of the South? What would be the potential regionalism of the south of the country? If we disregard a serious and conscious debate on the point, we cannot expect to govern and to do so with awareness. It cannot seriously be expected that citizens with a higher average per capita income have the right to enjoy more services to the detriment of those who cannot boast of this condition of well-being.

Italy is one and only one and if anything, the Government should intervene to favor a harmonious development of the country that can revive the critical areas and those in conditions of under-development bringing them back to appreciable levels of well-being. If the Meloni government, in order to follow up on the aspirations of its allies, were to even think of disregarding an initiative of this kind, it would clearly be destined to conclude its experience well before the five-year period. The international strength of a country also depends on its harmonious internal development. So, he asks himself: how does the current government intend to promote economic development, cohesion and social solidarity to remove economic and social imbalances? In other words, and to be clear: in a period such as the contingent one, characterized by profound difficulties, how does the Meloni Government intend to follow up on the dictates of article 119 of the Constitution?

The feedback should necessarily be immediate, or at least should begin to become visible if one really intends to govern long and well.

Reforms such as the one on differentiated regionalism, despite its audacious promoters, cannot be advanced beyond a broad parliamentary debate. They cannot do without a serious and conscious comparison in terms of effects because citizens must be able to enjoy similar rights and benefits.

Giuseppina Di Salvatore – Lawyer, Nuoro

© Riproduzione riservata