With the nadef 2021, the Update Note to the Economics and Finance Document recently defined by the "government of the best", it was decided to operate, through the usual and devious "night hand", an addition anything but desired concerning the hateful “ddl - Provisions for the implementation of the Differentiated Autonomy as per Art. 116, paragraph 3, of the Constitution "

The danger for the stability of the country and for its harmonic growth (examined several times by the undersigned on several occasions) is therefore far from being imaginary and, considering the parliamentary dynamics of recent months, qualifiable in the reductive terms of functional non-existence, we seriously risk hearing the approval of a regulation which, in the absence of any appropriate corrective measures, and with good likelihood, will contribute to increasing the gap that already exists between the three macro-areas of the country, or between the North, South, and Insular Italy.

The “Italietta” of the three speeds and alternating and alternative currents continues, in short, to exist and to resist in total disregard of every constitutional principle, deliberately and improperly “disapplied” to the benefit of the “rich man” from the north. Power generates power: you know. It is the law of the strongest shamefully elevated to a "rule of government" which, indeed, does not seem to know any setbacks but rather consolidates hand in hand with the increasing state of need of the unfortunate on duty. Let's understand each other better rules in hand but without falling into unnecessary complications. The feeling that governs the common feeling perceives the next and imminent theft of resources and funds to the detriment of the South and the Islands as urgent. Meanwhile, because article 179 of the Budget Law licensed by Mario Draghi, entitled "Provisions concerning the methods for the allocation of Lep resources to be assigned to Local Authorities", deliberately generic and generalist, is greatly lacking both in terms of formality and content to the first directly attributable, as it fails to indicate, as appropriately observed by several parties, not only the so-called criteria relating to the services to be provided and also their related costs, but also seriously omits to provide any and, to be honest, necessary funds, for the functional implementation of the equalization mechanisms. Therefore, because an "oversight" of such importance and consistency is anything but admissible on the part of the Technician par Excellence of the recent Italian political context who would seem to want to rely, on the specific point on the agenda, on pure and simple opinion of a not better defined "Technical Commission for Standard Requirements".

Finally, because, even if we want to admit everything, but this is not the case, it is clear, the so-called "secession of the rich" would have the final effect of redesigning the economic map of the country in an extremely distorting way, and of canceling, with a blow in the towel, years and years of glorious National Unity only to favor the requests, in many ways selfish and wicked, if not contradictory, of those who still struggle to understand that the wealth and well-being of the north are a direct consequence of the human resources of the South and the Islands destined, historically, and due to the political indifference of post-war and contemporary and recent party formations, to act as a precarious crutch of incapable circumstance, and in this guilty due to its own wait-and-see inertia, to undertake autonomous economic initiatives.

Every comment, every reflection runs the risk of appearing, and consequently of being caught, like the usual programmatic whining dictated by a condition of systemic "inferiority". But in the face of the indifference of the institutions and the political incapacity of the representatives of the Italian people, addicted to the reassuring "laziness" favored by the health emergency, and the privileges that that same "laziness" seems to be able to guarantee in contempt and beyond any good rule of democratic confrontation, what solutions can be offered? The truth is that in the state, outclassed by the conflictual dynamics inherent in the choice of the next President of the Republic, at least in appearance, we are, or appear to be, really powerless. Let's be clear: none of us expects miracles, but among the commitments to be assumed by this Executive wanted by Sergio Mattarella should have excelled, and so unfortunately it is not, the main one of launching a constitutional reform useful to make ours more modern and efficient. democracy.

But not wanting to base it on the presumption, probably fallacious, which intends to recognize in institutional reform the fundamental and sufficient mechanisms for the resolution of the great social and economic questions, but rather because a new constitutional system, based on the principles of symmetrical solidarity federalism, could constituting the real turning point for the "Italian System" which became gangrenous on the rubble of the "First Republic", unjustly scrapped to the full advantage of the "government void" and the recurrent instability achieved. To this day, the so-called “differentiated regionalist centralism” seems to be the master, in prejudice to any sacrosanct principle of subsidiarity. In saying it otherwise, the current executive of government would seem to want to transition from the deformed forms of "state centralism" that seemed to be dear to Mario Draghi, to the confused and babelic ones of "regional centralism" without going through an authentic reform, but simply forcing, to limits of the lawful and the permitted, the non-systematic interpretation of constitutional norms dating back to the name of a “dysfunctional federalism” in its multiple territorial articulations to be all yet to be defined at the implementation level.

Well: I sincerely believe, as a citizen, as a single unit of the Sovereign People, that every choice of "autonomy", however to be realized, and to be realized in a perhaps still distant future, can be completed, but not night time and stealthily, rather in a context of active and integrative collaboration between the highest state articulations and the various and disparate systems of territorial government. The times, however, do not seem to be ripe yet because the critical points still to be addressed and resolved are too many and insistent. It is easy to talk about federalism, but what federalism do we really want to talk about, if we intend to deal with real federalism? Or is it once again a question of operating hastily through scribbles of pure and simple "decentralization of powers and power"? Let us meditate, "mala tempora currunt et peiora premunt" (cit.)

Giuseppina Di Salvatore

(Lawyer - Nuoro)

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