Last week was characterized by the political debate between the majority and opposition forces resulting in the approval of two reforms characterizing the current government coalition.

During the last parliamentary sessions, in fact, those following, so to speak, the vote on the 8th and 9th of June that just passed, the Senate, for its part, approved, in the first resolution, with one hundred and nine votes in favour, seventy-seven against and one abstention, the constitutional bill distinguished under number 935, concerning not only the direct election of the Prime Minister but also further and related constitutional amendments deemed useful to guarantee the stability of the government.

At the same time, the Chamber of Deputies definitively approved, with one hundred and seventy-two votes in favour, nine against and one abstention, the bill on differentiated autonomy, effectively conferring greater powers on the Regions.

To understand each other better, and by articulating the essential terms of the two different reforms: with the so-called direct election of the President of the Council of Ministers, the latter will be elected by universal and direct suffrage for a period of five years, with the votes that will have to take place in line with those of the two Chambers, in a context in which the electoral law will be aimed at guaranteeing the winning coalition the achievement of a percentage equal to fifty-five percent of the seats in each Chamber; the Prime Minister, once elected, will be able to enjoy the stability conferred on him by the popular vote; should the situation arise in which the confidence of the Chambers is not obtained, the President of the Republic will be able to resolve either in the sense of confirming the office of the President-elect or in the sense of dissolving the Chambers, but he will no longer be able to appoint senators for life ; with the reform on differentiated autonomy, however, the Government in office has granted greater powers and autonomy in certain matters to the Ordinary Statute Regions which will express their intention to make use of it; in this context, the level of services must be guaranteed uniformly to all citizens, regardless of the region of their respective residence; the State-Region agreements for the achievement of differentiated autonomy must be contained in a ten-year time range, and furthermore, they may also be renewed, or not, by providing adequate twelve months' notice; through the legislative decrees, to be adopted within twenty-four months by the Government, the levels and above all the costs of the so-called LEP will be determined.

Well, having completed this summary premise, in essential terms, of the contents of the two reforms, net of the greater or lesser approval expressed by the majority and opposition political forces, certain questions and/or perplexities seem to arise.

In essence, and precisely beyond the satisfaction of one or the other political party, the impactful force of two reforms of such consistency should, if anything, have suggested, as is right, the path of popular consultation as an essential moment of discussion. Especially where, precisely through the so-called reform of the premiership, we want to enhance the existence of the direct relationship between the People and what will be, at least so it would seem, its maximum expression on an institutional level. And especially where, through the concrete implementation of the aforementioned reforms, it is intended to change the entire organizational structure of the country. The impactful force of a constitutional reform of this consistency would also seem to prompt some further questions.

Considered on the purely tautological level, i.e. of the purposes properly understood, can Premiership and Differentiated Autonomy coexist, in the strict terms of mutual compatibility, within the same system?

Differentiated Regionalism, defined by some as "asymmetric", can truly represent a development opportunity for the Southern Regions and for the Major Islands, Sicily and Sardinia, which are already characterized by being Autonomous Regions with Special Statute, and which already present the their specific critical issues precisely because they are islands? It would seem to be a question of perplexity that is anything but negligible. Even more so when one wants to consider that with Differentiated Autonomy the decision-making power, with good approximation and unless better and/or different clarification, would seem to be concentrated entirely within the territorial perimeter of that Region which manifests the intention and will to make use of it , strengthening, with good approximation, the figure of the Regional President in office. That is, the power of as many Presidents as there are currently Italian Regions, who will respectively carry forward the potentially different needs of their own territory.

What will be the relationship between the Prime Minister elected by universal suffrage and the individual Regional Presidents? Could the so-called Premiership be, so to speak, in some way mortified in terms of implementing the Calderoli Reform? How can Regionalism strictly understood, brought to the practical test of Differentiation, fit into a reformed governmental context in light of the "Premiership"? Will it be a differentiation of a "solidaristic" nature, i.e. aimed at positive and profitable cooperation between Regions, and aimed, in essence, at bringing living conditions between the different regional realities to equivalence, or will it instead be of a "competitive" nature, considered the effects linked to globalization, i.e. those directly attributable to the dynamics of the free market, inflation and competitiveness?

Well. It is difficult to say whether the recently approved Differential Autonomy can be assimilated to the secessionism of Umberto Bossi, Founder of the Northern League, and given the passage of time an analysis in this sense would perhaps not be useful except within the reference Party .

Today it would seem necessary to guarantee unity in diversity, because the full implementation of the principle of equality passes through respect for diversity.

Giuseppina Di Salvatore – Lawyer, Nuoro

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