It seemed we had definitively escaped the secessionist danger of Po Valley-Veneto inspiration. Not even for a dream: and today, precisely in the moment of greatest difficulty for the life of the country, it is evident how the dubious and controversial adhesion of Matteo Salvini's party to the "Government of National Unity" hid from the beginning, and hides from current events, the need to manage from the "inside" and as a "master" (and as much as possible "alone" since it is an issue entirely internal to the center-right coalition) the autonomous process of regional importance, opportunely hindered, among the "sayings ”And“ the unspoken ”, during the so-called“ yellow-green ”government experience of“ Conte 1 ”.

The Draghi Government, in fact, as the recent media have punctually represented, with the Economic and Finance Document 2021, wanted to confirm, among the bills linked to the budget law 2022-2024, a certain bill containing "Provisions for the implementation of the differentiated autonomy referred to in Article 116, paragraph 3, of the Constitution ", that is, in essence, he wanted to offer relief to an ordinary law entirely suitable, due to its implications, to compromise the already shaky constitutional balances, and which would become in some way irreversible in its effects, should it affect the budget chapters of the three-year period since, by express provision, pursuant to the provisions of Article 75 of the Constitution, no referendum concerning the tax and budget laws. For the Northern League leader, therefore, the possibility of mending the rift that has arisen with the business world and more generally with his rigid electorate of reference, wounded by the effects of the equal nationalist ambition and homogenizing that had crossed, and somehow canceled, even if only in appearance, the basic identity inspiration of the movement.

In essence, regional autonomy is preparing to become the architrave on which the near future (anti) democratic structure of the Italian country will rest, in open disharmony with the European, but not pro-European, trend of the moment. In the meantime, because, to critically observe the work of the President of the Council of Ministers in office, the complete implementation of the "differentiated autonomy" process seems to constitute the real key to the entire action of "Government of National Unity", the answer dissonant and contradictory with respect to the institutional mutations that will intervene as a result of the waning of the absolutist effects of the stainless era Merkel. Therefore, because, as repeatedly stressed, the circumstance, in and of itself considered, appears to be confirmed even in terms of the composition of the team of Ministers, all largely an expression of an exasperated and aristocratic "northernism" that will not fail to reverberate the its effects even on the territorial administrative structure of the country, sectorialising and fragmenting the intervention measures currently unexpressed due to the lack of a Programming Project to which to make unanimous reference. Finally, because evidently, the State-Regions Conference itself, in its position as an agreed synthesis of the power expressed by the various territorial executives, and as the undisputed protagonist, in terms of practical implementation, of emergency intervention measures throughout the entire year 2020, has gradually contributed to delegitimizing the Parliament, effectively depriving it of the decision-making capacity that should have been its own.

Yet, although Mario Draghi seems to pretend a certain indifference on this point, the implementation of the mechanisms inherent to the same "differentiated autonomy" cannot in any way be traced back to mere "agreements" of "regional" importance, that is, obliterating the parliamentary debate on point. I wonder then: is it really abstractly possible, beyond pure and simple intentions, to be able to successfully carry out a not unanimously shared need for "anti-democratic separatism" where one fails to solve the problem of responsible coordination between the institutions of government of national importance and those, no less important, of territorial importance? Is it really possible to initiate any form of "regional autonomism" in the absence of a preliminary definition of the extent and limits of the "decentralization" process which has remained unfinished in its systemic essentiality? Can that same longed-for "territorial autonomy" somehow contribute to the realization of the collective interest, or does it constitute its greatest obstacle?

These are questions with a bitter and somehow taken for granted outcome. In this regard, consider a further circumstance that helps to understand the conceptual misunderstanding that not even Super-Mario is able to mask: although the South and the Islands are completely neglected by the Government's action, indeed focused on the realization of the interests of the great powers, no political force of the current executive has shown the slightest interest on this point, contributing, by conclusive facts, to widening the "gap" currently existing between "rich", always "richer", and "poor" always "poorer". Well. Precisely this circumstance constitutes the shining expression of the "flaw" existing in the system of parliamentary democracy. This is evidently caused by the inability of the political class to act as the architect of the intervening historical-political change. By abdicating at its root the function that should have been its own, the current ruling class has chosen to deliberately disregard the "representation pact" in favor, and to the full advantage, of an unspecified "technician" called, paradoxically, to take decisions of importance and political / practical consistency.

On the conceptual level, and consequently on the contingent one, we are faced with a dangerous "misunderstanding": that of the "self-referential" decision-making of the Man Alone in command. A paradigm that, "mutatis mutandis" had already led, in the very recent past, to the decline of the Northern League leader Salvini on the coast of Milano Marittima. And if Mario Draghi were also destined to "fall" on the so-called "Lombardy Model", what would it be of the current national government scenario?

All things considered, and despite the contradictions intrinsic to the current political order, I have the impression that despite the usual attempts to pursue "otherwise" anti-democratic reforms, fortunately there is a lack of will to go all the way in the pursuit of the specific objective "Separatist", since the "lack of representation" that seems to afflict the majority political forces represents the greatest obstacle. We are at the paradox of the "dog" that "bites its own tail": it continues with the usual round-about to the detriment of any targeted concrete intervention useful for pursuing "State Solidarity".

Giuseppina Di Salvatore

(Lawyer - Nuoro)

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