The past week has been quite challenging on the domestic political front. With the resignations of Andrea Delmastro and Giusi Bertolazzi, respectively Undersecretary of Justice and Cabinet Chief to Minister of Justice Carlo Nordio, and the additional resignation of Daniela Santanchè, Minister of Tourism, following which Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has assumed the Ministry of Tourism on an interim basis, the government majority appears to have found itself faced with a process of "updating" (if the expression may be used) its political component.

Even if one were to assume that these circumstances do not directly affect the duration of the Meloni government (though perhaps it is unclear how), many questions would nevertheless arise regarding the government's modus operandi in the near future. This is especially true given the extremely challenging international and European landscape, in which the Italian government could very likely appear significantly weakened, not only due to the very latest referendum events, but also, even more so, due to its close ideological ties to US President Donald Trump. And even more so considering that next year, 2027, Italians will again be called to the polls for the so-called "general elections," at the end of which the winning coalition will not only obviously govern but will also have a stronger position in the election of the next President of the Republic.

Paradoxically, all things considered, an early election, while undesirable in any case, strictly speaking, given the responsibility of governing at this moment, would (at least this is the impression one gets) offer Giorgia Meloni's party, Brothers of Italy, and with it the entire coalition, to a greater extent than the other parties that comprise it, a greater chance of sustaining consensus. This is also because, perhaps, waiting for the natural end of the legislature, with blunt weapons, so to speak, could have a debilitating effect, having a decisive impact on the outcome of the next elections.

On the other hand, waiting for the natural end of the legislative session would favor the current opposition, which would have plenty of time not only to structurally reorganize the coalition, but also to rework its own political proposal, calibrating it to the primary needs of Italians. Furthermore, and in this regard, given the situation that has arisen, and given the tensions within the governing majority itself, it would seem extremely difficult even to consider changing the current electoral law. This, clearly, would require strong agreements with the opposition, particularly with Elly Schlein's Democratic Party. The process is complex and would seem to involve a rather challenging decision, one that places the country's best interests at its core.