On November 6th, a Memorandum of Understanding for the management of incoming migratory flows to and from Italy was signed between Rome and Tirana. Whether it can be considered good and right seems legitimate to harbor some, and perhaps more, doubts, but the Government's activism at the level of foreign policy, conducted without a precise common thematic thread teleologically directed towards the achievement of a pre-established project of affirmation within a varied and even differently configured international community in relation to specific issues of potential common interest, could, conversely, have a negative impact on the internal level, leading to the rapid political decline of the forces that form the current government majority for be, that same majority, in difficulty in translating on a practical level what was a constant slogan of the Secretary of the League only until some time ago, i.e. the well-known "Italians first" which had animated and unequivocally oriented within the ballot box large part of the electorate.
Between possible external relational naivety (such, at least, is the feeling that emerges from it) and apparent (because it still seems to be such) how probably restricted internal decision-making foresight, the action recently implemented, together with the reformism announced on the constitutional level , could represent the first signs of difficulty of the current (centre) right government complex which has been orphaned by President Silvio Berlusconi. Moreover, the Renzian experience should serve as the cornerstone of teaching on the subject.
In other words: if it is true that the next opening, as well as the management of the two Centers for Migrants in Albania foreseen by the now much talked about Memorandum of Understanding signed by our President of the Council of Ministers and the Albanian Complementary Edi Rama, will be completely borne by the Italy, which according to what we read will be called upon to make a substantial cash outlay, what would be the real advantage for our country which is already severely affected on an economic level? It seems that the provision of Centers that are not better defined and regulated, but apparently ad hoc, is useful rather than for a realistic practical-resolution aspect, in justifying, transforming it, the impossibility of implementing the original vaunted "block naval", transposing it through a not very successful assimilation on the level of a "forced transfer" whose legitimacy seems legitimate to doubt. Since the very management of such structures also seems to have to be entirely the responsibility of Italy, which should also assume exclusive responsibility, it would not have been better, and probably more economical considering the humble calculation of the servant, to design the centers in the national territory as was originally planned? You ask for a friend as is often said.
But the logic could be such for many but not for all. One almost wonders who benefits, in practice, from this Memorandum of Understanding, and probably the answer would not be in favor of the country of Italy which, all things considered, will be bound to respect it for five years, renewable for the same number of years only once, economic costs included. Well: what then can we say about the fact that Tirana is currently not part of the European Union? What legitimacy on the political procedural level, and above all on the territory of a State that is not a member of the European Union, will the procedures for requesting asylum or repatriation, provided for by Italian and European regulations, have?
This would be an extension not otherwise decided upon by the unanimity of the Member States, and therefore not enforceable against the same Member States that are not signatories to the Protocol, or a limitation of jurisdiction of the country Albania, but always and solely limited to relations with Italy ? And if, in the situation just described, the asylum request were to be rejected, what will be the treatment of guests who do not meet the requirements for permanence? How will their right to appeal the rejection decision be guaranteed? Before which Court should the provision be appealed? In essence, if in the medium term Albania has to cede its sovereignty over the areas destined for the Project, what could be the consequences on a practical - strictly legal - level? And then: but wasn't the specific construction, in Italy, of new Permanence Centers for repatriations planned, one for each region? Nothing done? What are the objectives actually achieved by the Meloni Government compared to the promises made both when Fratelli d'Italia sat on the opposition benches and in the aftermath of September 25, 2022? But one can really legitimately believe that the efficiency apparently boasted by the current government majority can also be expressed and reflected in a Protocol of indefinite consistency but which would seem more aimed at preserving a consensus that seems to be gradually waning rather than at finalizing the objective that would you like to ask yourself? And what if this boomerang effect were the true and only Schlein effect which, all things considered, has shown itself to have a very strong attractive potential on the People, on that part of the traditional electorate of the left which over time had lost faith in the party apparatus of reference and who with the arrival of the very young Secretary has seen its hope for change and its demand for equality on a social level grow? What if the honeymoon had really ended for Giorgia Meloni and her majority, as they often say? With Elly Schlein the Democratic Party, in its brand new ideological guise personified by the ideological enthusiasm of its Secretary, seems to take on the task of carrying out the true reconstruction of the country of Italy. It will be interesting to evaluate its practical impact at the next very close polls, but the premises are quite eloquent. Time is Lord and will not delay in offering us His feedback.
Giuseppina Di Salvatore