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Presidential: Italian, European or international question?

The new tenant of the Quirinale will have to be markedly pro-European, decidedly inclusive and strongly "socialist"

24 gennaio 2022 alle 10:28
Presidential: Italian, European or international question?
L'esterno del Quirinale (Ansa - Percossi)
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Anyone who believes that the upcoming "presidential elections" are a markedly only Italian issue is deceived, and even more is anyone who thinks that "presidential" ones are only the outcome of the decisions of a controversial and uncertain enlarged party forum. Basically, if we wanted to fully understand the dynamics underlying the imminent election of the successor (worthy or unworthy it doesn't matter) of Sergio Mattarella, we should stop "looking at the finger", that is to say at those noisy party components, and concentrate instead on the "changing Moon", that is to look with a critical eye at the changes and ideological inclinations of the European political orientation, conditioned, starting from January 1 of the current year, by the introduction of the semester of French presidency led by Emmanuel Macron. Even the election of the Maltese Roberta Metsola to the Presidency of the European Parliament has its "why" and, certainly, beyond the pure and simple gender question, unreasonably praised by those who prove to be inclined to appreciate those forms more or less veiled by the hypocrisy of "power" and its practical reflections, it betrays, on an ideological level, the forthcoming involution, in an even more markedly "nationalistic" sense, of the Union, which is now destined to survive as a mere potentate of diplomatic-economic interests subservient to needs of the reference “chancelleries”, among which the very weak Roman one certainly does not appear.

If this were not the case, it would not be possible to understand why the European social democratic and liberal component could support the candidacy of a deputy expressing "positions" (anti-abortion) in contrast with those of the reference institution, where the the protection of women's rights has been the main subject of numerous resolutions. The game of vile "divisions" within the power centers, once again, has been the master, and everything suggests that the Italian condition will be no different, now more than ever, the enslavement commanded to conditioning from an enlarged "external" and extended in various ways from west to east, from the United States to China which, for their part, far from considering the Old Continent as a strategic commercial "partner" and autonomous center with intermediate interests, instead they looked at it, and shamelessly continue to look at it, only and solely as a potential land of conquest.

But we have very little, unfortunately, to feel sorry for since that declassing international "consideration" is the result of a bad management of the democratic interest of the European Union first of all, and of the various Member States as a result. But if this is the case, as it really seems to be, how can the election of Roberta Metsola as President of the European Parliament influence the choice of the next President of the Italian Republic? And, in particular, can it really affect it?

The answers are, as always, of course consequent. Meanwhile, because, beyond and beyond any small consideration of a "domestic" nature, it is undeniable that the presidential election has always been a strongly "systemic" election, destined to affect the fate of Roman-Parisian, Roman-Berlinese diplomatic relations and Romano-Vaticanensi in the wake of a centralizing exegesis of power and powers which, rarely, and more by choice than by circumstance, ends up reflecting itself to the advantage of the Roman component.

Therefore, precisely that systematic nature appears to be guaranteed, despite the useless attempts directly oriented to pilot it in a conforming sense, by the dynamics of the secrecy of the vote, by the non-existence of spontaneous candidacies, and by the transversality to parties as "players" unaware of a "poker" rigged in their own right from "Who" (the Presidential Institution in and of itself considered) has made it lawful, and becomes lawful, to distribute the cards.

Finally, because, on closer consideration, around the election of the President of the Republic, different powers are destined to intersect which, beyond the purely and simply democratic and representative one, contribute, or should contribute, to define the strategic interests of the country in its relations with the Union, more and more markedly "nationalist" and less and less inclined to think of itself in its compositional unity, and in its relations with the great international powers, led to conceive globalization as an opportunity for political and economic growth to be opposed to the logic of territoriality.

In other words, and more clearly: the Maltese presidency of Metsola, conservative by origin defect and progressive by circumstance, is a very clear signal of legal direction which, far from favoring conditions of equilibrium between the various Member States, will contribute to the process of progressive and slow hierarchy of European institutions within which Italy will be only a pawn to be taken into consideration when necessary. In this sense, the upcoming presidential elections could be an opportunity to reverse this degenerative process, but it is necessary, even before it is opportune, for Parliament to find the courage to express a President who is aware of wanting to do the country's interest. This President, therefore, for obvious reasons, can never be Mario Draghi, by his nature called to do only and only the supranational interest.

If this is the premise, then, consequently, the parties will have to, in spite of themselves, not only abandon all logic of convenient self-commissioning and return, where possible, protagonists of the destinies of the Republic, but also abandon the logic of "blocs", both center-right and center-left, focusing on a wide-ranging agreement that is independent of the personal interest of one or the other coalition, which, by virtue of the reasoning conducted, has nothing to do, in reality , with the mechanisms of choice. The real danger, and perhaps not everyone sees it, is that a stalemate will persist, caused by the fluctuating disagreement between the parties, which would end up definitively condemning Italy to international irrelevance precisely because of its internal instability.

All in all, and despite hurrying to pack his bags, Sergio Mattarella's second term, however unlikely, seems to be the only way out: a situation, the latter, which far from under-understanding Mario Draghi's stay to the Presidency of the Council, should inspire the political component of the country, and bring back to the center an authentic Politics finally oriented to look at the contingent reality to resolve its economic and health problems.

If Roberta Metsola is the expression of intra-Union nationalism of identity, called, despite the dogmatic proclamations and premises, to pursue unspecified political objectives inevitably conditioned by her political affiliation, the President of the Italian Republic must be markedly pro-European, decidedly inclusive and strongly “socialist” if it wants to influence the processes of present and future democratic integration as a leader. Let's be clear: if it is true, as it is true, that Europe is made up of nation-states, it is equally true that those nation states should be integrated in an equal sense. Yet, with the election of Roberta Metsola, Europe has given shape to an ancient and never forgotten temptation, that of pure and sterile "assimilation" which, indeed, has always had and continues to have a markedly utopian flavor for the practical impossibility of its realization in a democratic sense. Metsola, to be clearer, is the emblem of this "misunderstanding", desired and pursued, it would seem, precisely to stem the aspirations for political and economic growth of potential competitors from countries such as France and Germany above all.

For this reason, the next tenant of the Quirinale will be called upon to carry all the weight of the contradictions of the system and systems: “error non datur”. And this, unfortunately, is the hardest obstacle to overcome.

Giuseppina Di Salvatore

(Lawyer- Nuoro)

© Riproduzione riservata

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