Of course, the fibrillations that at varying intensity promise to shake further, and probably definitively, the newly born Meloni Government (if you really and truly will be our President of the Council of Ministers) do not surprise us or should surprise us, and they were in the air from the very first stages of the electoral campaign that preceded the vote on 25 September.
And if in a situation of "normality" (provided that in a country like ours a "normality" has ever existed in the period that extends from the end of the First Republic to the present day), these fibrillations would represent, no more, no less, pure and simple aftershocks useful for the discovery of "coexistence agreements" between the political forces in the field, in the present condition characterized by all the post-pandemic and current war emergencies undoubtedly constitute very dangerous signs of dialectical dystonia capable of compromising not only the power relations that came to determine at the outcome of the vote, but also, and above all, every credibility on the relational and international level of the country, exposed as always and more than ever not only to the incandescent criticism from the European institutions and the most accredited Chancelleries, but also to the “controlled administration” exercised by the Atlantic Ally, wholly interested in conser to have its influence on the Mediterranean area as a privileged observatory and hub for any relationship with the Middle-Eastern macro-area.
In short, and to keep it very short, we can manage and dominate the entire contingent situation and the potential duration (if it can see the light) of the Meloni Government only and only if the leader in pectore shows herself up to the task and role. that will be entrusted to it, managing to find a strong balance point between the contradictions of an extemporaneous Atlanticism still watered down by imperialism and nationalism and the alternating phases of a changing Europeanism which, all in all, contrasts with the first, on a semantic level even, in an attempt to proposing itself as an alternative ideology, albeit still complementary to it.
Yes: because after all the Atlanticist choice, although historically motivated in various ways, has never been "paid" as in this moment and we are "paying" dearly for it, not only in the bill but also with reference to the shopping cart ( more empty every day) and in general in everyday life. A circumstance, the latter, on reflection, is paradoxical, in the sense that if a sacrifice is required of us by virtue of that "covenant", then that same "covenant", if it really had been and were such, should have and should keep us unharmed as much as less from the prejudicial consequences of a radical choice made in the context of a conflict totally foreign to us and which, to be honest, we would have gladly done without.
But this was not the case: and quite surprisingly, we would be inclined to comment. The Neapolitans would say: “Cornuti e mazziati”. But so be it. We do not even know if a new Europeanism (in any case very distant on the ideal level due to the fierce opposition of the major Member States that have everything to gain with respect to the marginalization of Italy) that was autonomous, social-democratic and open to the globalized world, could represent the formula of retaliation of a bi-polar system that today reveals itself in all its inefficiency, to be in any case unsuitable for expressing the recently affirmed geopolitical reality. At least this will be the case until we stop conceiving the European Union as an extension of the Atlantic Pact of which Italy was one of the very first signatories.
And if this is the international discomfort that Giorgia Meloni could face, and possibly resolve in any way, the situation certainly does not seem simpler on the internal level, in the context of which the most annoying "fibrillations" occur and they are agitated within the "flag coalition" because of the discontent expressed by the leader of Forza Italia, marginalized by the very "offspring" who helped lead to success. Probably President Berlusconi, the only founder of that glorious center-right now non-existent, was unable to realize in time the transformations that over the years have made their way in the context of that political "creature" that he himself had strongly wanted. And, of course, the question of the famous "pizzino", captured by reporters in Parliament, does not constitute an edifying precedent for a leader of its importance, nor a prerequisite for reconstructing, however, a tear that has now been clearly consumed.
These elections were expected to be a turning point both internally and internationally. But the reality promises to be very different, because (and we do not want to blame this) one thing is to settle down on being a "Struggle Party" constantly in opposition, and quite another to become out of the blue "Government Party" with any consequence even in the restricted terms of the tax loss of coherence. And if it is true, as it is true, that Sandro Pertini was right when he stated that "the worst of democracies is better than the best of all dictatorships" (with all due respect to a certain Left unable to make an independent and sincere "examination of conscience" ), then, undoubtedly, Giorgia Meloni is today called to create the best possible form of democracy, with or without Silvio Berlusconi, aimed at re-establishing a new Atlantic Pact between equally Free and Sovereign Countries that are able to manage together, under conditions of equality, the growing polarization between the inadequacy of the various "democracies" in the context of crisis management and the apparent efficiency of popular-populist "dictatorships" which still find the strength to survive.
It is clear that such a choice of field would lead the leader of the Brothers of Italy to completely review her ideology, but deep down, intelligent people do this too when circumstances require it. The last word must be pronounced by our Giorgia: post-fascist right sublimated by the centrist experience (which no useful change would bring to the country), progressive right watered down by Atlanticism and recessive Europeanism (too aligned with the hybrid approach that was by Mario Draghi and which should finally archived), or neo-revisionism (desirable albeit complex and tiring)? The choice of government will depend on whether or not to return to the polls in a short time, with all that would ensue in terms of the social and economic stability of a country that is already deeply "broken down".
Giuseppina Di Salvatore
(Lawyer - Nuoro)
